Обсуждение:Женщина - История изменений

Maqivi в 15:29, 21 марта 2023

2023-03-21T15:29:56Z

← Предыдущая версия		Версия от 15:29, 21 марта 2023
Строка 67:		Строка 67:
	Жена Адама (хотя и безымянная) упоминается в Коране в трех отрывках (q 2: 30-7, 20: 115-23; 7: 11-25) и упоминается в нескольких отдельных стихах (q 4: 1; 7: 189, 39: 6), в то время как в других местах создание человечества и истории первого человека относятся только к Адаму. В некоторых повествованиях о творении не упоминается партнер первого человека, но в других стихах говорится, что Бог создал человека и его помощника из одной души (q.v.). Одному Адаму предоставляется исключительное положение среди ангелов (q.v.) и существ, но это, по-видимому, свидетельствует о его статусе пророка, а не как о мужчине. Однако Адаму и его жене дают указание жить в саду, и оба предупреждаются, чтобы не есть дерево бессмертия (см. Деревья, вечность, падение человека). Самое главное, что в версии qur’annic и Адам, и его жена искушаемы сатаной (см. Дьявол), обе едят дерево и оба изгнаны. (Только в одном стихе, д. 20: 120, искушается только Адам). Более того, Адам раскаивается в своем непослушании, прощается и получает указания своего лорда (q.v, см. Также сбитый с толку, ошибка). Только в одном стихе Адам и его жена признают свою вину и просят прощения (п. 7:23). Короче говоря, текст qur'ānic описывает создание первой женщины (когда она вообще упоминается) как совпадающая и аналогичная первой женщине. Она не отвечает за соблазн его, и если есть какая-то неодинаковая вина, именно Адам несет большую ответственность. Более того, гендерный вопрос в истории Адама и его жены может рассматриваться как маргинальный к главному qur’аническому сообщению завета (qv) между Богом и человечеством и его устранению глупости как мужчин, так и женщин-верующих (q 7: 172-3; 33: 72-3).		Жена Адама (хотя и безымянная) упоминается в Коране в трех отрывках (q 2: 30-7, 20: 115-23; 7: 11-25) и упоминается в нескольких отдельных стихах (q 4: 1; 7: 189, 39: 6), в то время как в других местах создание человечества и истории первого человека относятся только к Адаму. В некоторых повествованиях о творении не упоминается партнер первого человека, но в других стихах говорится, что Бог создал человека и его помощника из одной души (q.v.). Одному Адаму предоставляется исключительное положение среди ангелов (q.v.) и существ, но это, по-видимому, свидетельствует о его статусе пророка, а не как о мужчине. Однако Адаму и его жене дают указание жить в саду, и оба предупреждаются, чтобы не есть дерево бессмертия (см. Деревья, вечность, падение человека). Самое главное, что в версии qur’annic и Адам, и его жена искушаемы сатаной (см. Дьявол), обе едят дерево и оба изгнаны. (Только в одном стихе, д. 20: 120, искушается только Адам). Более того, Адам раскаивается в своем непослушании, прощается и получает указания своего лорда (q.v, см. Также сбитый с толку, ошибка). Только в одном стихе Адам и его жена признают свою вину и просят прощения (п. 7:23). Короче говоря, текст qur'ānic описывает создание первой женщины (когда она вообще упоминается) как совпадающая и аналогичная первой женщине. Она не отвечает за соблазн его, и если есть какая-то неодинаковая вина, именно Адам несет большую ответственность. Более того, гендерный вопрос в истории Адама и его жены может рассматриваться как маргинальный к главному qur’аническому сообщению завета (qv) между Богом и человечеством и его устранению глупости как мужчин, так и женщин-верующих (q 7: 172-3; 33: 72-3).

	~~{{s\|~~Однако с самых ранних периодов qur'ānic экзегетики, а также в хадисовских традиций Пророка, истории исламского мира и}} популярных историй пророков, образ Евы (Ar. Ḥawwā') изображен в отрицательных терминах. Она несет ответственность за искушение и падение Адама и обычно изображается как намеренно обманывая его. Только упоминание о покаянии Адама (см. Покаяние и покаяние), в то время как участие «вавва» в совместном признании вины игнорируется. Подчеркивая беззакония лава и подавляя её раскаяние, куранские экзегеты умножали наказание, которое, как утверждается, несет Ева (и, наконец, все женщины). К ним относятся боль при родах (см. Рождение, биология как создание и этапы жизни), менструации и обязанности женщин, такие как плетение, прядение, приготовление теста и выпечка хлеба. Даже после его смерти Адам обвиняет её в том, что он несет ответственность за его преступление и наказание. Таким образом, в отличие от текста qur'ānic, классические исламские ученые изображали первую женщину как угрозу для своего мужа и в дополнение к всему человечеству.		Однако с самых ранних периодов qur'ānic экзегетики, а также в хадисовских традиций Пророка, истории исламского мира и популярных историй пророков, образ Евы (Ar. Ḥawwā') изображен в отрицательных терминах. Она несет ответственность за искушение и падение Адама и обычно изображается как намеренно обманывая его. Только упоминание о покаянии Адама (см. Покаяние и покаяние), в то время как участие «вавва» в совместном признании вины игнорируется. Подчеркивая беззакония лава и подавляя её раскаяние, куранские экзегеты умножали наказание, которое, как утверждается, несет Ева (и, наконец, все женщины). К ним относятся боль при родах (см. Рождение, биология как создание и этапы жизни), менструации и обязанности женщин, такие как плетение, прядение, приготовление теста и выпечка хлеба. Даже после его смерти Адам обвиняет её в том, что он несет ответственность за его преступление и наказание. Таким образом, в отличие от текста qur'ānic, классические исламские ученые изображали первую женщину как угрозу для своего мужа и в дополнение к всему человечеству.

	Соблазнение Иосифа (Ар. Юсуфа) женой египетского аль-Азиза передается как одно испытание в серии испытаний, которые должен преодолеть герой, чтобы продемонстрировать его величие. В главе Корана, названной в честь главного героя (q 12), Иосиф бросает в яму своих братьев (см. Брат и братство) и продается в рабство аль-Азизу, который приносит его домой и относится к нему как к сыну. После того, как Иосиф достигает зрелости (q.v.), жена аль-Азиза пытается соблазнить его, но он отвергает её. Он был действительно искушен и желателен ¶ её, но его вера в Бога, а также его прекрасные качества позволяют ему преодолевать зло и распущенность. Две гонки за дверь, жена срывает халат Джозефа со спины и у входа они сталкиваются с мужем. В этот момент Иосиф освобождается от утверждения жены о безнравственном поведении. Её муж упрекает её и всех женщин, говоря: "Это из-за тебя (кайда) женщин. Ваша хитрость велика "(q 12:28). Уловки женщин и их необузданная страсть далее иллюстрируются в рассказе, в котором Иосиф объективирован. Когда женщины в городе начали сплетничать об увлечении жены аль-Азиза для молодого раба, она пригласила их на банкет и дала каждому нож. Когда она приказала Иосифу предстать перед ними, женщины были настолько смущены его красотой, которую они сравнивали с красотой ангела, что они рубили свои ножи своими ножами. Доказав свою точку зрения, жена аль-Азиза угрожает Джозефу, что если он не выполнит свои приказы, он будет заключен в тюрьму (q 12: 30-2). Иосиф призывает лорда отбиваться от женских уловков, потому что опасается, что он капитулирует перед ними и предпочитает лишение свободы. Бог отвечает на его молитву, и его отправляют в тюрьму (д. 12: 33-5).		Соблазнение Иосифа (Ар. Юсуфа) женой египетского аль-Азиза передается как одно испытание в серии испытаний, которые должен преодолеть герой, чтобы продемонстрировать его величие. В главе Корана, названной в честь главного героя (q 12), Иосиф бросает в яму своих братьев (см. Брат и братство) и продается в рабство аль-Азизу, который приносит его домой и относится к нему как к сыну. После того, как Иосиф достигает зрелости (q.v.), жена аль-Азиза пытается соблазнить его, но он отвергает её. Он был действительно искушен и желателен ¶ её, но его вера в Бога, а также его прекрасные качества позволяют ему преодолевать зло и распущенность. Две гонки за дверь, жена срывает халат Джозефа со спины и у входа они сталкиваются с мужем. В этот момент Иосиф освобождается от утверждения жены о безнравственном поведении. Её муж упрекает её и всех женщин, говоря: "Это из-за тебя (кайда) женщин. Ваша хитрость велика "(q 12:28). Уловки женщин и их необузданная страсть далее иллюстрируются в рассказе, в котором Иосиф объективирован. Когда женщины в городе начали сплетничать об увлечении жены аль-Азиза для молодого раба, она пригласила их на банкет и дала каждому нож. Когда она приказала Иосифу предстать перед ними, женщины были настолько смущены его красотой, которую они сравнивали с красотой ангела, что они рубили свои ножи своими ножами. Доказав свою точку зрения, жена аль-Азиза угрожает Джозефу, что если он не выполнит свои приказы, он будет заключен в тюрьму (q 12: 30-2). Иосиф призывает лорда отбиваться от женских уловков, потому что опасается, что он капитулирует перед ними и предпочитает лишение свободы. Бог отвечает на его молитву, и его отправляют в тюрьму (д. 12: 33-5).

Maqivi в 00:39, 27 августа 2020

2020-08-27T00:39:14Z

← Предыдущая версия		Версия от 00:39, 27 августа 2020
Строка 222:		Строка 222:

	The modern Syrian commentator Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī concluded that a woman could lead the prayer as imām based on a verse referring to Mary, but then neutralized this potential empowerment of women by falling back on a classical view that a unique woman like Mary is like a man in the eyes of God. Moreover, even if a woman might serve as a religious leader for other women, she could not participate in the communal prayer, not only because of her impurity, but also because of her physical weakness and the shame involved in mixing with men (Smith and Haddad, The Virgin Mary, 163-4, 173).		The modern Syrian commentator Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī concluded that a woman could lead the prayer as imām based on a verse referring to Mary, but then neutralized this potential empowerment of women by falling back on a classical view that a unique woman like Mary is like a man in the eyes of God. Moreover, even if a woman might serve as a religious leader for other women, she could not participate in the communal prayer, not only because of her impurity, but also because of her physical weakness and the shame involved in mixing with men (Smith and Haddad, The Virgin Mary, 163-4, 173).


	Calls for the liberation of Muslim women in the Arab world emerged from and were influenced by the salafiyya movement which aspired to return to the true, early untainted Islam. The Egyptian Shaykh Muḥammad ʿAbduh (1849—1905) and his follower Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (1865—1935) composed a new exegesis of the Qurʾān that initially appeared in their journal al-Manār to address contemporary problems. ʿAbduh emphasized women’s humanity and their equality before God. Adam together with his wife represent humankind which is tested (see trial ; ¶ trust and patience), goes astray, repents and is forgiven.		Calls for the liberation of Muslim women in the Arab world emerged from and were influenced by the salafiyya movement which aspired to return to the true, early untainted Islam. The Egyptian Shaykh Muḥammad ʿAbduh (1849—1905) and his follower Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (1865—1935) composed a new exegesis of the Qurʾān that initially appeared in their journal al-Manār to address contemporary problems. ʿAbduh emphasized women’s humanity and their equality before God. Adam together with his wife represent humankind which is tested (see trial ; ¶ trust and patience), goes astray, repents and is forgiven.


	Mary’s physical, spiritual and behavioral purity, however, granted her a distinctive status and should not be regarded as a precedent for all women. ʿAbduh is credited with the determination that the qurʾānic verse which appears to permit a man to marry up to four wives actually indicates that monogamous marriages should be the norm, by a logic similar to that of Mumtaz ʿAli. On the question of the ḥijāb, however, ʿAbduh refused to take a stand. By a similar methodology, Riḍā interpreted a fragment of a verse on divorce (q 2:228) to define the relationship between man and wife as equal and reciprocal, but defers to the view of classical exegetes that a husband has sexual rights over his wife as a concomitant to her rights to material support from him. Alongside the hesitant efforts of Muslim reformists, commentaries on the Qurʾān that relied on the methods and contents of classical exegesis with regard to women’s issues and female characters continued to appear.		Mary’s physical, spiritual and behavioral purity, however, granted her a distinctive status and should not be regarded as a precedent for all women. ʿAbduh is credited with the determination that the qurʾānic verse which appears to permit a man to marry up to four wives actually indicates that monogamous marriages should be the norm, by a logic similar to that of Mumtaz ʿAli. On the question of the ḥijāb, however, ʿAbduh refused to take a stand. By a similar methodology, Riḍā interpreted a fragment of a verse on divorce (q 2:228) to define the relationship between man and wife as equal and reciprocal, but defers to the view of classical exegetes that a husband has sexual rights over his wife as a concomitant to her rights to material support from him. Alongside the hesitant efforts of Muslim reformists, commentaries on the Qurʾān that relied on the methods and contents of classical exegesis with regard to women’s issues and female characters continued to appear.


	An important innovation of this period was the utilization of qurʾānic interpretation to bolster views on the status of women, not only by recognized Islamic scholars like Shaykh ʿAbduh (who had been chief mufti of Egypt) but also by Muslim writers who did not have formal, systematic religious training. One of the most prominent, albeit misogynist, works of this kind was Woman in the Qurʾān (al-Marʾa fī l-Qurʾān), by the Egyptian writer Maḥmūd ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād. Works of this type paved the way for Muslim lay thinkers, both men and women, to engage in qurʾānic commentary.		An important innovation of this period was the utilization of qurʾānic interpretation to bolster views on the status of women, not only by recognized Islamic scholars like Shaykh ʿAbduh (who had been chief mufti of Egypt) but also by Muslim writers who did not have formal, systematic religious training. One of the most prominent, albeit misogynist, works of this kind was Woman in the Qurʾān (al-Marʾa fī l-Qurʾān), by the Egyptian writer Maḥmūd ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād. Works of this type paved the way for Muslim lay thinkers, both men and women, to engage in qurʾānic commentary.


	The first Muslim woman to undertake qurʾānic exegesis was Dr. ʿĀʾisha ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (1913-96), known by her pen-name, Bint al-Shāṭiʾ. She studied Qurʾān commentary with her professor, mentor ¶ and husband, Amīn al-Khūlī, who was considered one of the outstanding modern experts in the field. Some scholars regard ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s exegesis as a reflection of al-Khūlī's theory, and in fact, in the preface to the first volume of her qurʾānic exegesis, she writes of her «attempt» to apply al-Khūlī's method to a few short chapters and compares the usual method of Qurʾān interpretation to «our new way.» As the first woman engaged in what had for centuries been an all-male endeavor, it is not surprising that she and some scholars would present her ground-breaking, ambitious work as a mere extension of the theoretical framework of her male mentor. Actually, ʿAbd al-Raḥman published her first of two volumes of qurʾānic exegesis in 1962, several years before the death of her husband. Moreover, the choice of difficult, theological qurʾānic verses with no social implications whatsoever seems to be the strategy of an ambitious woman carefully invading a traditionally male domain. It is also no accident that this innovation emerged from Cairo University’s Department of Arabic Language and Literature rather than from a woman studying at al-Azhar. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s qurʾānic exegesis was published by one of the largest publishing houses in Cairo in a series devoted to literary studies of Arab poetry and other genres as well as non-Arabic literature, perhaps an additional strategy to avoid conflict with the religious establishment. Her qurʾānic commentary brought her prominence in Egypt and the Arab world but its content could not be considered feminist nor was it meant to be.		The first Muslim woman to undertake qurʾānic exegesis was Dr. ʿĀʾisha ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (1913-96), known by her pen-name, Bint al-Shāṭiʾ. She studied Qurʾān commentary with her professor, mentor ¶ and husband, Amīn al-Khūlī, who was considered one of the outstanding modern experts in the field. Some scholars regard ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s exegesis as a reflection of al-Khūlī's theory, and in fact, in the preface to the first volume of her qurʾānic exegesis, she writes of her «attempt» to apply al-Khūlī's method to a few short chapters and compares the usual method of Qurʾān interpretation to «our new way.» As the first woman engaged in what had for centuries been an all-male endeavor, it is not surprising that she and some scholars would present her ground-breaking, ambitious work as a mere extension of the theoretical framework of her male mentor. Actually, ʿAbd al-Raḥman published her first of two volumes of qurʾānic exegesis in 1962, several years before the death of her husband. Moreover, the choice of difficult, theological qurʾānic verses with no social implications whatsoever seems to be the strategy of an ambitious woman carefully invading a traditionally male domain. It is also no accident that this innovation emerged from Cairo University’s Department of Arabic Language and Literature rather than from a woman studying at al-Azhar. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s qurʾānic exegesis was published by one of the largest publishing houses in Cairo in a series devoted to literary studies of Arab poetry and other genres as well as non-Arabic literature, perhaps an additional strategy to avoid conflict with the religious establishment. Her qurʾānic commentary brought her prominence in Egypt and the Arab world but its content could not be considered feminist nor was it meant to be.


	The qurʾānic underpinnings of the Islamist movements originate with the efforts of Sayyid Abū l-ʿAlā l-Mawdūdī (1903—1979), an Indian Muslim whose ideas on the seclusion of women were written in Urdu in the 1930s, translated into Arabic and subsequently in English. Of his ¶ six-volume exegesis of the Qurʾān, the only selection translated into Arabic was devoted to a chapter dealing with female sexuality (q 24; cf. Swanson, Commentary on Surat al-Nur, 187). Mawdūdī interpreted some rather vague verses on visiting other homes (q 24:27-9) in gender terms to the extent that a man must announce his arrival before entering a house even to the women in his own household. On the issue of modesty (q 24:30-1), he regards virtually everything connected with a woman as seductive and therefore requires the most extreme forms of concealing dress, including a thick face-veil and gloves. Even a woman’s perfume or voice are sexual and should be restricted. Marriage is the proper outlet for human sexuality and Mawdūdī regards the Islamic state as responsible for providing financial support for a man who is precluded from marrying because of the expense.		The qurʾānic underpinnings of the Islamist movements originate with the efforts of Sayyid Abū l-ʿAlā l-Mawdūdī (1903—1979), an Indian Muslim whose ideas on the seclusion of women were written in Urdu in the 1930s, translated into Arabic and subsequently in English. Of his ¶ six-volume exegesis of the Qurʾān, the only selection translated into Arabic was devoted to a chapter dealing with female sexuality (q 24; cf. Swanson, Commentary on Surat al-Nur, 187). Mawdūdī interpreted some rather vague verses on visiting other homes (q 24:27-9) in gender terms to the extent that a man must announce his arrival before entering a house even to the women in his own household. On the issue of modesty (q 24:30-1), he regards virtually everything connected with a woman as seductive and therefore requires the most extreme forms of concealing dress, including a thick face-veil and gloves. Even a woman’s perfume or voice are sexual and should be restricted. Marriage is the proper outlet for human sexuality and Mawdūdī regards the Islamic state as responsible for providing financial support for a man who is precluded from marrying because of the expense.
Строка 245:		Строка 240:

	The point of departure for Women Reading the Qurʾān was a discussion of «foundational myths» that ostensibly support the notion that men are superior to women. The first of these relate to the story of the creation of Adam and Eve, her role in the fall and the purpose of woman’s creation. The women argue that the Qurʾān explicitly states that woman and man were created equal and the creation of Ḥawwāʾ from a male rib is a product of biblical and Christian influences, inaccurate translations of the original Arabic, qurʾānic exegesis, and most seriously, ḥadīth traditions of the Prophet (see ḥadīth and the qurʾān), many of which are not genuine. These supplements to the holy text supported the view held by most Muslims that woman is secondary, derivative and subordinate. Similarly, ¶ Eve’s culpability, which raises questions about the trustworthiness of all women, is not found in the Qurʾān but is the productof subsequent patriarchal readings.		The point of departure for Women Reading the Qurʾān was a discussion of «foundational myths» that ostensibly support the notion that men are superior to women. The first of these relate to the story of the creation of Adam and Eve, her role in the fall and the purpose of woman’s creation. The women argue that the Qurʾān explicitly states that woman and man were created equal and the creation of Ḥawwāʾ from a male rib is a product of biblical and Christian influences, inaccurate translations of the original Arabic, qurʾānic exegesis, and most seriously, ḥadīth traditions of the Prophet (see ḥadīth and the qurʾān), many of which are not genuine. These supplements to the holy text supported the view held by most Muslims that woman is secondary, derivative and subordinate. Similarly, ¶ Eve’s culpability, which raises questions about the trustworthiness of all women, is not found in the Qurʾān but is the productof subsequent patriarchal readings.


	Debunking the belief that woman was created for man is tied to a lengthy discussion of the qurʾānic verse which embodies gender relations, q 4:34, rendered by Pickthall as follows: «Men are in charge (qawwāmūna) of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other, and because they spend of their property (for the support of women). So good women are obedient, guarding in secret that which Allah hath guarded. As for those from whom ye fear rebellion, admonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! Allah is ever High, Exalted, Great.» The women use the translation of the modernist Muslim commentator M. Yusuf Ali who interprets the phrase "Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, " and emphasizes that men may only beat women lightly and as a last resort. The women focus on reinterpretation of crucial words in the verse such as qawwāmūn. This term had previously been taken a step further than M. Yusuf Ali to mean the basic idea of moral guidance and caring by the feminist Aziza al-Hibri (Study of Islamic herstory). One resource person at the workshop suggested that qawwāmūna means breadwinners and, philosophically, men ought to be breadwinners although not all men fulfill this function. Thus, the comparison is not between men and women but between men in terms of their ability to be breadwinners. A second resource person understood qawwāmūna as standing upright or men’s upholding the rights, protection, well-being and material support of women. In other words, in Islamic society men have a psychological, social, spiritual ¶ and financial responsibility to women. Participants challenged these and other explications by the resources persons. A similar methodology was applied to the words excel (faḍḍala), obedient (qānitāt) and rebellion (q.v.; nushūz).		Debunking the belief that woman was created for man is tied to a lengthy discussion of the qurʾānic verse which embodies gender relations, q 4:34, rendered by Pickthall as follows: «Men are in charge (qawwāmūna) of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other, and because they spend of their property (for the support of women). So good women are obedient, guarding in secret that which Allah hath guarded. As for those from whom ye fear rebellion, admonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! Allah is ever High, Exalted, Great.» The women use the translation of the modernist Muslim commentator M. Yusuf Ali who interprets the phrase "Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, " and emphasizes that men may only beat women lightly and as a last resort. The women focus on reinterpretation of crucial words in the verse such as qawwāmūn. This term had previously been taken a step further than M. Yusuf Ali to mean the basic idea of moral guidance and caring by the feminist Aziza al-Hibri (Study of Islamic herstory). One resource person at the workshop suggested that qawwāmūna means breadwinners and, philosophically, men ought to be breadwinners although not all men fulfill this function. Thus, the comparison is not between men and women but between men in terms of their ability to be breadwinners. A second resource person understood qawwāmūna as standing upright or men’s upholding the rights, protection, well-being and material support of women. In other words, in Islamic society men have a psychological, social, spiritual ¶ and financial responsibility to women. Participants challenged these and other explications by the resources persons. A similar methodology was applied to the words excel (faḍḍala), obedient (qānitāt) and rebellion (q.v.; nushūz).
Строка 254:		Строка 248:

	Another important forum for women to interpret the Qurʾān in accordance with their own needs has been the Persian women’s magazine Zanān published in Tehran. Zanān was founded in 1992 and by 1994 had become a major voice for reform of the status of women. The magazine’s editor,¶ Shahla Sherkat, and other women well-versed in the Qurʾān have championed the right of women to use ijtihād or independent reasoning, thereby challenging the primacy of the clergy in the realm of interpretation. Similarly, the Iranian expatriate Nayereh Tohidi has promoted feminist ijtihād in Persian-language writings and lectures and promoted reinterpreting the Qurʾān. In the mid-1990s, some proponents of Islamic feminism argued that endeavors like those of Zanan opened a dialogue between religious and secular feminists in the heady debate carried on in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Iranian diaspora.		Another important forum for women to interpret the Qurʾān in accordance with their own needs has been the Persian women’s magazine Zanān published in Tehran. Zanān was founded in 1992 and by 1994 had become a major voice for reform of the status of women. The magazine’s editor,¶ Shahla Sherkat, and other women well-versed in the Qurʾān have championed the right of women to use ijtihād or independent reasoning, thereby challenging the primacy of the clergy in the realm of interpretation. Similarly, the Iranian expatriate Nayereh Tohidi has promoted feminist ijtihād in Persian-language writings and lectures and promoted reinterpreting the Qurʾān. In the mid-1990s, some proponents of Islamic feminism argued that endeavors like those of Zanan opened a dialogue between religious and secular feminists in the heady debate carried on in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Iranian diaspora.


	Feminist exegesis of the Qurʾān by women outside the Muslim scholarly establishment has not been without its critics and it is yet to be seen what its long-term influence will be. One problem is undoubtedly the language barrier between Muslims in different parts of the world and in particular among those who do not read or write Arabic or, conversely, read neither English nor French. Translation of seminal works in this field into Arabic has greatly enhanced their prestige as well as their impact in the Arab world. Trans-global media have also facilitated the dissemination of new readings of the Qurʾān. A second generation of Islamic feminists have begun to cite the pioneering exegesis of women who have reinterpreted the Qurʾān and no longer have to analyze the holy text themselves. Nevertheless, women and men will continue to seek varying views on gender as well as specific rules relating to women and discrete female role models in the Qurʾān.		Feminist exegesis of the Qurʾān by women outside the Muslim scholarly establishment has not been without its critics and it is yet to be seen what its long-term influence will be. One problem is undoubtedly the language barrier between Muslims in different parts of the world and in particular among those who do not read or write Arabic or, conversely, read neither English nor French. Translation of seminal works in this field into Arabic has greatly enhanced their prestige as well as their impact in the Arab world. Trans-global media have also facilitated the dissemination of new readings of the Qurʾān. A second generation of Islamic feminists have begun to cite the pioneering exegesis of women who have reinterpreted the Qurʾān and no longer have to analyze the holy text themselves. Nevertheless, women and men will continue to seek varying views on gender as well as specific rules relating to women and discrete female role models in the Qurʾān.

Maqivi в 00:33, 27 августа 2020

2020-08-27T00:33:37Z

← Предыдущая версия		Версия от 00:33, 27 августа 2020
Строка 1:		Строка 1:
	== Ссылки ==		== Ссылки ==
	* ''Egdūnas Račius'' [https://religija.lt/straipsniai/religiju-ivairove-religiju-aprasymai/santuoka-seima-islame Santuoka ir šeima islame]		* ''Egdūnas Račius'' [https://religija.lt/straipsniai/religiju-ivairove-religiju-aprasymai/santuoka-seima-islame Santuoka ir šeima islame]

			----
			* „увещайте и покидайте их на ложах и ударяйте их" (4: 38);
			* „держите их в домах, пока не упокоит их смерть или Аллах устроит для них путь" (4: 4);
			* „женитесь на тех, что приятны вам, женщинах - и двух, и трех, и четырех" или „на одной или на тех, которыми овладели ваши десницы" (4: 3).
			* „Мужья стоят над же-нами за то, что Аллах дал одним преимущество перед другими", 4: 38
			* при наследовании мужчине полагалась доля, равная доле двух женщин, 4: 175
			* один мужчина-свидетель= двум женщинам-свидетельницам (2: 282).

	== Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān ==		== Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān ==
Строка 169:		Строка 177:
	The laws of inheritance are specified precisely and in great detail, leaving little room for interpretation (q 4:7-20, 175). These regulations are extremely complex and were regarded as an area of expertise apart from the general field of law. From a gender point of view, a number of basic principles may be summarized. Women inherit, but their portion is usually half of the share of a man of the same degree of kinship. Daughters, for example, inherit half as much as sons, sisters half of the brothers' portions, and mothers half the inheritance of fathers. Women inherit from their husbands and husbands from their wives, again according to the rule of half a share. Inheritance, therefore, is an area in which women’s status as legal persons, as well as the right of a woman to own her own property, is firmly anchored. Moreover, the right of married women to make wills is clearly stipulated in the Qurʾān (q 4:12), although this privilege is more symbolic than practical because of general limitations on wills. The inheritance of maternal brothers and sisters is also alluded to (q 4:12), reflecting ongoing semi-matrilineal ties in what was fundamentally a patrilineal society.		The laws of inheritance are specified precisely and in great detail, leaving little room for interpretation (q 4:7-20, 175). These regulations are extremely complex and were regarded as an area of expertise apart from the general field of law. From a gender point of view, a number of basic principles may be summarized. Women inherit, but their portion is usually half of the share of a man of the same degree of kinship. Daughters, for example, inherit half as much as sons, sisters half of the brothers' portions, and mothers half the inheritance of fathers. Women inherit from their husbands and husbands from their wives, again according to the rule of half a share. Inheritance, therefore, is an area in which women’s status as legal persons, as well as the right of a woman to own her own property, is firmly anchored. Moreover, the right of married women to make wills is clearly stipulated in the Qurʾān (q 4:12), although this privilege is more symbolic than practical because of general limitations on wills. The inheritance of maternal brothers and sisters is also alluded to (q 4:12), reflecting ongoing semi-matrilineal ties in what was fundamentally a patrilineal society.

	In addition to inheritance, women receive bridewealth ~~(q.v.)~~ upon marriage (termed ajr in the Qurʾān rather than mahr, the designation which became prevalent later). A woman may, however, remit part of her bridewealth to her husband of her own free will (q 4:4). Husbands' duty to provide material support for their wives is implied in the quintessential qurʾānic verse defining gender relations (q 4:34). A man may not withhold divorce from a woman in order to take her property, nor may he divorce her with false accusations of lewdness so ¶ that he may get part of her property (q 4:19-20).		In addition to inheritance, women receive bridewealth upon marriage (termed ajr in the Qurʾān rather than mahr, the designation which became prevalent later). A woman may, however, remit part of her bridewealth to her husband of her own free will (q 4:4). Husbands' duty to provide material support for their wives is implied in the quintessential qurʾānic verse defining gender relations (q 4:34). A man may not withhold divorce from a woman in order to take her property, nor may he divorce her with false accusations of lewdness so ¶ that he may get part of her property (q 4:19-20).

	The unusually liberal property rights of women anchored in the Qurʾān have been the subject of much speculation. ClassicalMuslim scholars explained that, since the inheritance rules follow a section dealing with care for orphans, they reflect concern for the kin of Muslims who died in battles for the sake of Islam. In view of the fact that these relatives of fallen Muslim heroes would revert to the care of their families who most likely were anti-Muslim, it was deemed important to provide for them economically. Some modern scholars of early Islam (such as Goitein and Stern) have suggested that, in the mercantile city of Mecca before the advent of Islam, women had certain rights of inheritance, citing the vast property of the widow Khadīja (q.v.) and a number of other women. Thus, the social reality at the time and place of the Qurʾān’s revelation could have influenced the economic provisions regarding women. The association made between women, orphans and children in the Qurʾān suggests that women were regarded as weaker social entities and therefore providing for their welfare was viewed as an ethical act (see ethics and the qurʾān). Women’s inheritance of half the portion of a man logically follows from men’s double financial responsibility to support their wives. Some have argued that women were generally not as economically incumbered as men were and therefore required fewer financial resources. In any case, the qurʾānic inheritance rules, while providing women with a crucial source of income, are also a concrete reflection of their subordinate status.		The unusually liberal property rights of women anchored in the Qurʾān have been the subject of much speculation. ClassicalMuslim scholars explained that, since the inheritance rules follow a section dealing with care for orphans, they reflect concern for the kin of Muslims who died in battles for the sake of Islam. In view of the fact that these relatives of fallen Muslim heroes would revert to the care of their families who most likely were anti-Muslim, it was deemed important to provide for them economically. Some modern scholars of early Islam (such as Goitein and Stern) have suggested that, in the mercantile city of Mecca before the advent of Islam, women had certain rights of inheritance, citing the vast property of the widow Khadīja (q.v.) and a number of other women. Thus, the social reality at the time and place of the Qurʾān’s revelation could have influenced the economic provisions regarding women. The association made between women, orphans and children in the Qurʾān suggests that women were regarded as weaker social entities and therefore providing for their welfare was viewed as an ethical act (see ethics and the qurʾān). Women’s inheritance of half the portion of a man logically follows from men’s double financial responsibility to support their wives. Some have argued that women were generally not as economically incumbered as men were and therefore required fewer financial resources. In any case, the qurʾānic inheritance rules, while providing women with a crucial source of income, are also a concrete reflection of their subordinate status.

Maqivi в 23:46, 26 августа 2020

2020-08-26T23:46:29Z

Внесённые изменения

Maqivi в 11:51, 6 февраля 2019

2019-02-06T11:51:57Z

← Предыдущая версия		Версия от 11:51, 6 февраля 2019
Строка 1:		Строка 1:
			== Ссылки ==
			* ''Egdūnas Račius'' [https://religija.lt/straipsniai/religiju-ivairove-religiju-aprasymai/santuoka-seima-islame Santuoka ir šeima islame]

	== Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān ==		== Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān ==
	{\|		{\|

Maqivi: Новая страница: «== Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān == {| |Женщины и Коран (11 268 слов) Только одна женщина на самом деле назван…»

2018-10-19T18:33:36Z

Новая страница: «== Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān == {| |Женщины и Коран (11 268 слов) Только одна женщина на самом деле назван…»

Внесённые изменения